Skip to main content

The arms industry and sovereignty


by Martin Aslan


A national defense industry is conceptually known as a Defense Industrial Technological Base (DITB). This industry is the result of the political will of a nation whose objective is to develop autonomous capabilities for acquiring military equipment to ensure its defense. These capabilities exist at three levels: the development and production of weapons systems, equipment support, and human support. Having such an industry is essential to demonstrating a nation's ability to exert influence on the international stage. The national defense industry also contributes to a country’s geopolitical standing.




Establishing a DITB requires heavy investment, but it can generate substantial returns. An initial return on investment can be found in research and development on the dual-use technologies that form the foundation of weapon systems. Patents derived from these technologies can be applied to non-military sectors. Once a weapon system has been validated and tested, it can be marketed to international partners as part of strategic partnerships. Countries that do not develop their own defense industries become potential customers for off-the-shelf military acquisitions. Few nations possess a fully independent DITB. The United States, Russia, China, and some European Union countries have defense industries that significantly contribute to their global influence.

Türkiye's rapidly expanding DITB offers a renowned range of military equipment, including the TB2 drone, the Altay T1 battle tank, and the T-129 Atak attack helicopter. Export projects for this equipment are currently being negotiated with Arab countries, though, for now, only the TB2 UAV has achieved significant success. Until the early 2000s, Türkiye was heavily dependent on defense imports. However, under a policy adopted over the past decade, Turkish defense companies have been prioritized, according to a report by the Savunma Sanayii Başkanlığı (SSB). Dependence on foreign technology has decreased to below 50% over the past decade. A decade ago, 80-85% of Türkiye's defense needs were met through foreign imports, but substantial progress has been made in the defense sector. Today, direct arms purchases from foreign companies account for just 10% of the Turkish defense industry's total requirements. Local production has become a key condition in many arms purchase agreements, paving the way for massive investments. Notably, the national defense industry has received significant financial support from the state.


However, Türkiye's DITB does not yet cover the full spectrum of weapons systems required for national defense. This is particularly evident in the area of ground-based air defense. Much of the equipment currently in service is aging and obsolete. Since the Turkish arms industry lacks the capability to develop and produce such systems independently, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan opted to purchase an off-the-shelf ground-based air defense system. Several options were available, but Türkiye ultimately chose the Russian S-400. This decision was not without consequences, as the contract effectively blocked Türkiye from acquiring American F-35 fighter jets, which were crucial for modernizing its aging combat aircraft fleet. In this matter, Türkiye seemingly overlooked its role within a military coalition and the obligations that come with it. While Türkiye’s domestic policy prioritizes industrial sovereignty, this does not grant it unlimited freedom to negotiate with a country that has annexed Crimea and provided military support to the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Relations between Türkiye and Latin America

by Martin Aslan Türkiye has established a real presence in regions such as Africa, especially in Libya and Somalia, as well as in Central Asia. Yet, one part of the world remains relatively under the radar in Turkish foreign policy: Latin America. Despite the geographical distance, it seems Ankara has been quietly working to expand its defense footprint in the region. Interestingly, the roots of Türkiye’s connection to Latin America stretch back to the 19th century, when immigrants from the Ottoman Empire, mostly Arabs, settled in South America. Locals called them "Los Turcos" (The Turks), a nickname that still stucks despite their actual ethnic origins. High-level visits and diplomatic expansion Türkiye launched an “Action Plan for Latin America and the Caribbean” in 1998. It was revised in 2006, when Türkiye declared that year as the “Year of Latin America and the Caribbean”. The plan served as a formal roadmap for engaging more seriously in the region. The first Turkish pr...

Beyond Diplomacy: Türkiye’s Economic Footprint in Africa

by Martin Aslan Over the past two decades, Türkiye has undergone a significant transformation in its foreign policy, with the African continent emerging as a key strategic focus. Driven by a mix of economic ambition, diplomatic outreach, and geopolitical recalibration, Türkiye has steadily expanded its presence across Africa. This shift, which accelerated after Reçep Tayyip Erdoğan came to power in 2003, is reflected in the rapid increase in Turkish embassies, investment flows, and trade partnerships on the continent. While officials emphasize a “win-win” model of cooperation, critics argue that Türkiye’s engagement is guided more by resource acquisition and market access than by mutual development goals. Let’s not forget that Africa is a continent rich in natural resources, while Türkiye has very few (see the article “Africa, a continent with growing appeal”: https://turkishpulse.blogspot.com/2023/10/africa-continent-with-growing-appeal.html). This article examines the development of ...

Central Asia’s Cyprus Shift: Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan Defy Türkiye’s Stance

By Derya Vogel Why would Central Asian nations—key members of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS)—publicly challenge a Turkish-backed entity in the Mediterranean? At the EU–Central Asia Summit in Samarkand on April 3–4, 2025, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan made a surprising move: they endorsed UN Security Council Resolutions 541 and 550, which reject the legitimacy of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), a breakaway state recognized only by Türkiye. These resolutions reaffirm the Republic of Cyprus as the island’s sole legal government and call on all UN members not to recognize the TRNC or support its consolidation. To understand this shift, we must look back to 1974, when Cyprus was divided following a coup by Greek Cypriot nationalists aiming for unification with Greece. Türkiye responded by intervening militarily, leading to the island’s partition. The TRNC declared independence in 1983, but has remained diplomatically isolated. Türkiye, however, has consis...