Tũrkish Pulse

by Martin Aslan Both Erdoğan’s government and the Iranian regime perceive the Kurds as a threat. Estimates place their population between 7 and 15 million in Iran, Iranian Kurds—known as Rojhelati or Eastern Kurds—have faced ongoing discrimination, including restrictions on Kurdish language education, cultural expression, and political organizing. On February 22, 2026, five major Iranian Kurdish opposition parties formed the Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan (CPFIK) to coordinate efforts against the Islamic Republic. A sixth group, the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, joined on March 4. The coalition includes: Such political coordination among Iranian Kurdish movements is likely to be closely watched in Ankara, where Kurdish political and territorial developments beyond Türkiye’s borders are viewed through a national security lens. If Iranian Kurdish parties were to gain territorial control in Iranian Kurdistan, it would likely heighten concerns in Ankara. Türkiye ha...

  by  Derya Vogel When the Saudi-Emirati rift over Yemen erupted into open conflict in late December 2025, Turkish pro-government voices could scarcely contain their delight. Commentators gleefully branded the UAE a reckless destabilizer, hurling accusations of covert Israeli collusion to fragment Arab states. They portrayed Abu Dhabi as isolated and humiliated, while touting Turkiye's "strategic depth" as ideally positioned to capitalize on the chaos. This was the classic Erdoğan media playbook: converting rivals' crises into Ankara's supposed victories. Official Ankara, however, played a cooler hand. The Foreign Ministry's measured December 26 statement praised both sides' "initiatives" for stability, pointedly highlighting Saudi "prudence" while sidestepping direct criticism of the UAE. This restraint preserved the fragile post-2021 economic thaw with Abu Dhabi—booming trade, high-level visits—despite the vitriol from aligned pundits...

by Martin Aslan Türkiye’s relationship with Asia is a dynamic blend of cultural, religious, and economic ties shaping Türkiye’s foreign policy and regional influence. These multifaceted connections reveal how cultural and religious bonds intersect with Türkiye’s paradoxical roles as both a peacemaker and arms supplier and raises questions about its real commitment in fighting fitna (division) within the Muslim world. This ambiguous position also raises questions about the effectiveness of Ankara’s influence. Cultural and religious connections Asia has long held historical and cultural importance for Türkiye. The Turkish people originally migrated from regions around present-day Mongolia, a heritage President Erdogan often recalls. This historical memory partly explains Türkiye’s continuing interest in the Uyghur people of China. While Ankara occasionally criticizes Beijing’s repression of Uyghurs, it offers little tangible support. Türkiye’s cultural resonance extends to South Asia, pa...

by Martin Aslan After decades of conflict between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Turkish government, a political “black swan” emerged in early 2025. Jailed PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan issued a historic call for disarmament and the dissolution of the group. In March 2025, following Öcalan’s appeal, the PKK declared a unilateral ceasefire with Türkiye. On May 12, it officially announced its intention to disband and end its armed struggle. In July, thirty PKK militants symbolically destroyed their weapons in a ceremony in northern Iraq — a remarkable gesture after forty years of insurgency against Türkiye. Yet the question remains: does this moment mark the beginning of a genuine new era of peace between Turks and Kurds, particularly in Iraq, or is only the illusion of a reconciliation? No sign of peace from Türkiye Despite Öcalan’s call, Ankara has taken no reciprocal steps. The PKK founder remains imprisoned, serving a life sentence after 26 years behind bars. His continued d...

  by Martin Aslan Despite years of political clashes and stalled negotiations, Türkiye is quietly moving closer to Europe—but not in the way most might expect. What has prompted this shift, and what does it mean for both Türkiye and the European Union (EU)? The relationship between Türkiye and the EU has long been contentious, but recent developments over the past few months, suggest a shift in strategy that could reshape the future of European security and Türkiye’s role on the global stage. This article explores why Türkiye is pursuing closer ties with Europe, particularly in the area of defense industry, and what it hopes to gain from this change in approach. Indeed, this calculated rapprochement could lead European countries to become more dependent on the Turkish defense industry and, as a result, enhance Ankara’s influence over the EU. Türkiye and the EU: a candidacy in crisis Since Türkiye applied for EU membership in 1987 and gained official candidate status in 1999, it has...

by Martin Aslan Since the onset of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, a new wave of far-right Turkic solidarity has been rising amongst Turkish volunteers and lead to the creation of the Turan battalion. Their involvement, while not endorsed by any Ankara officials, highlights the complex dynamics of foreign volunteerism in the conflict and the rise of a renewed Panturkism, fueled by far-right ideology. The Turan Battalion: A Panturkic Initiative Established on November 20, 2022, the Turan Battalion is a unit of volunteers enlisting individuals from Turkic-speaking nations, including Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, amongst others. Founded by Aidos Sadyqov, a Kazakh opposition activist, the battalion is led by Almaz Kudabek Uulu, a Kyrgyz national who previously worked as a hairdresser in Kyiv. The name ‘Turan’ refers to the ancient mythical homeland of Turkic populations in Central Asia. The battalion embraces a Panturkist ideology that is dating back to ...