by Martin Aslan
Turkiye's African policy is not new. Since the late 1990s, Turkiye has been seeking to develop diplomatic, cultural, economic and trade relations with African countries. After Reçep Tayyip Erdoğan came to power, this dynamic accelerated sharply. Turkiye's African policy is often interpreted as a return to the Ottoman Empire, which dominated North Africa after the collapse of the Mamluk Sultanate in 1517. Beyond this historical reference, which maintains national cohesion, Turkiye is seeking to develop its foreign trade and secure its supplies. Let's not forget that Africa is a continent rich in natural resources (read article “Africa, a continent with growing appeal”). To achieve its objective, Turkiye will coordinate actions in the diplomatic, cultural, humanitarian and security fields. Like China and Russia, Turkiye is showing itself to be an opportunist after the departure of the West. While many African countries aspire to greater independence, the road to greater sovereignty is still a long one.
Very active diplomacy
At the end of the 90s, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ismaïl Cem, set up the “Action Plan for Africa”. But it was ten years later that this plan was put into practice, with the proclamation of the “Year for Africa” in 2005. The first Turkiye-Africa summit was held in 2008, bringing together 49 African countries in Istanbul. As a result, Turkiye has developed its network with many African countries. From 12 embassies in 2008, Turkish diplomacy now boasts 44 representations, putting it on a par with Russia. Each representation uses cultural and humanitarian soft power tools.
A soft power strategy against a backdrop of rivalry
Initially entrusted to Fethullah Gülen's religious movement, Turkiye's strategy of influence in Africa has developed with the creation of numerous schools, cultural associations and charitable foundations. Ostracized from the circle of Turkish power in the early 2000s, Fethullah Gülen emigrated to the United States. He was tried, then acquitted, before finally being sentenced to 34 years' imprisonment in absentia in 2015 for terrorist conspiracy. The Gülenist educational network had become out of control of the Turkish authorities. After the coup attempt, attributed to the Gulenist network, the Turkish state took back control with the MAARIF foundation created a month before the 2016 putsch. The educational network in Africa is now directed and controlled by this state foundation. MAARIF trains over 17,000 students in 26 African countries.
Humanitarian Soft Power
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| Mogadishu turkish hospital |
In the same vein, TIKA1 was created in 1992. This agency is present in 170 countries worldwide, including 22 in Africa. Founded under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, TIKA was entrusted to the Prime Minister in 1999. Numerous projects are financed by the Turkish agency in the fields of education, health, agriculture, etc. It is in the Horn of Africa that activities are most numerous. TIKA has built one of the continent's largest hospitals in Mogadishu. Most of the projects financed are led and implemented by Turkish NGOs such as IHH2. The aim of these soft power actions is to strengthen Turkish diplomatic relations to ensure the smooth implementation of its action plan relating to its economic interests on the continent.
Development of turkish economic interests
In the space of 20 years, Turkiye's trade with Africa has increased eightfold. Trade volume has risen from $5.4 billion in 2003 to $40.7 billion in 20223.
Mining on the African continent is one of the objectives of Turkish foreign policy to meet its growing needs. Africa holds 30% of the world's mineral reserves. The continent holds 10% of the world's oil reserves and 8% of its natural gas reserves. To develop this niche, the Turkish agency MTAIC4 has been tasked with forging links with African countries in order to contribute to mineral research and exploration.
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| Fully integrated floating power plants on a ship |
In the energy sector, the private Turkish company Karpowership is the leading producer and supplier of electrical energy in West Africa. It owns a dozen vessels equipped with heavy fuel oil-powered generators. Karpowership's electricity production represents 33% for Ghana, 60% for Gambia and 90% for Guinea-Bissau. Faced with a shortfall in Gabon's electricity production, Karpowership made an offer for the exorbitant sum of $15 million per month.
To support its development in Africa, Turkiye has invested in airport infrastructure in Somalia, Rwanda, Senegal, Guinea, Mauritania, Niger and Gabon. Turkish Airlines now serves 62 airports in 41 destinations.
Defense cooperation agreements
Faced with tensions in many African countries, there is a growing need for security. The Syrian, Libyan and Nagorno-Karabakh theaters have demonstrated the effectiveness of Turkish weaponry, in particular its Bayraktar TB2 drones. No fewer than 30 African countries have signed security cooperation agreements. These agreements include military training and arms sales. The agreements signed are not conditioned by ethical or employment considerations. Even though Turkiye was the target of putschists in 2016, it has no hesitation in selling arms to Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso.
In Libya, Turkiye has delegated to Private Military Company SADAT the training of Syrian mercenaries to intervene on behalf of Faez al-Sarraj5, . In addition to Turkiye's historic ties with Libya, Ankara plays an active role in this country to safeguard its gas interests in the eastern Mediterranean.
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| Somalia September 30, 2017 - Camp Turksom |
Turkiye's most visible presence in Africa is in Somalia. In addition to major infrastructure projects (airport terminal, seaport, Mogadishu hospital), Somalia has been home to the Turksom military base since 2017. To consolidate this presence, a military-financial cooperation agreement was signed between the two countries on February 8, 2024. Unrelatedly, since October 2024, the Turkish exploration vessel Oruç Reis has been carrying out three-dimensional seismic surveys in Somali waters, to detect the presence of oil and natural gas for a period of 6 months. These data will be analyzed in Ankara to identify potential drilling sites.
Since the departure of French forces from Chad on January 31, 2025, the Turkish presence has become increasingly visible, particularly at the former French bases in Abéché and Faya-Largeau6. For the time being, these are specialist technicians responsible for operating the Bayraktar UAV acquired by Chad. The personnel deployed in Faya-Largeau are either drone pilots or Bayraktar employees.
As Turkyie's efforts demonstrate, Africa is a highly coveted continent, if we add the influence of Russia and China. Historical ties with certain African countries, dating back to the Ottoman Empire, are not Ankara's main motivation. Economic interests, on the other hand, are more significant. At a time when many African states have expressed their desire for sovereignty and independence, the continent has never been so coveted and under such influence. In the shadow of China and Russia, Turkiye is making slow progress in Africa, but could become an increasingly important player in the medium term.
1 Türk İşbirliği ve Koordinasyon Ajansı - Turkish Agency for Cooperation
2 The flotilla, organized by the Free Gaza Movement and the Turkish Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief (İHH), was carrying humanitarian aid and construction materials, intending to break the Israeli naval blockade of the Gaza Strip in may 2010.
3 https://www.dailysabah.com/business/economy/trade-volume-between-turkiye-africa-rises-eightfold-to-407b
4 Maden Tetkik ve Arama International Compagny : Mineral Research and Exploration – https://www.mtaic.gov.tr
5 Head of the Government of National Accord (GNA)
6 https://www.lepaystchad.com/40229/
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