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Relations between Türkiye and Latin America

by Martin Aslan Türkiye has established a real presence in regions such as Africa, especially in Libya and Somalia, as well as in Central Asia. Yet, one part of the world remains relatively under the radar in Turkish foreign policy: Latin America. Despite the geographical distance, it seems Ankara has been quietly working to expand its defense footprint in the region. Interestingly, the roots of Türkiye’s connection to Latin America stretch back to the 19th century, when immigrants from the Ottoman Empire, mostly Arabs, settled in South America. Locals called them "Los Turcos" (The Turks), a nickname that still stucks despite their actual ethnic origins. High-level visits and diplomatic expansion Türkiye launched an “Action Plan for Latin America and the Caribbean” in 1998. It was revised in 2006, when Türkiye declared that year as the “Year of Latin America and the Caribbean”. The plan served as a formal roadmap for engaging more seriously in the region. The first Turkish pr...

What will be the next Turkish fighter aircraft?

by Martin Aslan Türkiye is struggling to find willing sellers for modern fighter jets. Ankara faces significant challenges in acquiring its next-generation combat aircraft and remains entangled in ongoing diplomatic disputes. The F-35 fallout Ankara originally intended to purchase 100 F-35 fighter jets from the United States beginning in 2002, when Türkiye joined the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program as a partner nation. Over the following years, it invested in the development and production phases of the aircraft. However, in a significant shift, Türkiye signed a deal with Russia in 2017 to acquire the Russian-made S-400 air defense system. The first deliveries of the S-400 system began in July 2019. This decision sparked concerns among NATO allies over interoperability and security, as the S-400 is not compatible with NATO defense infrastructure. As a result, Türkiye was officially removed from the F-35 program in July 2019. The move marked a turning point in Türkiye’s defense policy...

Central Asia’s Cyprus Shift: Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan Defy Türkiye’s Stance

By Derya Vogel Why would Central Asian nations—key members of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS)—publicly challenge a Turkish-backed entity in the Mediterranean? At the EU–Central Asia Summit in Samarkand on April 3–4, 2025, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan made a surprising move: they endorsed UN Security Council Resolutions 541 and 550, which reject the legitimacy of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), a breakaway state recognized only by Türkiye. These resolutions reaffirm the Republic of Cyprus as the island’s sole legal government and call on all UN members not to recognize the TRNC or support its consolidation. To understand this shift, we must look back to 1974, when Cyprus was divided following a coup by Greek Cypriot nationalists aiming for unification with Greece. Türkiye responded by intervening militarily, leading to the island’s partition. The TRNC declared independence in 1983, but has remained diplomatically isolated. Türkiye, however, has consis...

Beyond Diplomacy: Türkiye’s Economic Footprint in Africa

by Martin Aslan Over the past two decades, Türkiye has undergone a significant transformation in its foreign policy, with the African continent emerging as a key strategic focus. Driven by a mix of economic ambition, diplomatic outreach, and geopolitical recalibration, Türkiye has steadily expanded its presence across Africa. This shift, which accelerated after Reçep Tayyip Erdoğan came to power in 2003, is reflected in the rapid increase in Turkish embassies, investment flows, and trade partnerships on the continent. While officials emphasize a “win-win” model of cooperation, critics argue that Türkiye’s engagement is guided more by resource acquisition and market access than by mutual development goals. Let’s not forget that Africa is a continent rich in natural resources, while Türkiye has very few (see the article “Africa, a continent with growing appeal”: https://turkishpulse.blogspot.com/2023/10/africa-continent-with-growing-appeal.html). This article examines the development of ...

4/4 Kurds in Iran: Political Resistance, Armed Groups, and the Fight for Autonomy

  By Martin Aslan There is a Kurdish province in Iran, with Sanandaj as its capital, but it does not cover the whole of the historic region of the Iranian Kurdistan, who includes West Azerbaijan, Kermanshah, Ilam, and Hamedan provinces. They are also home to Kurdish populations. Political parties and armed groups The “Kurdistan Free Life Party” (PJAK) is a Kurdish political and militant organization that is operating primarily in the Kurdish-majority areas of Iran. Founded in 2004, it is a revolutionary movement that advocates for Kurdish autonomy, human rights, and Democratic Confederalism, the ideology inspired by Abdullah Öcalan. PJAK is a member of the KCK. The “Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran” (KDP-Iran) is a Kurdish political and militant organization exiled in the KRI, dedicated to Kurds rights and seeking greater autonomy for Kurdish-majority regions in Iran. Founded in 1945 in the Mahabad Republic, the KDPI is one of the oldest Kurdish political parties in the region, w...

3/4 Kurds in Iraq and Kurdistan: From Power Struggles to Autonomy

By Martin Aslan The “Kurdistan Region of Iraq” (KRI) is a semi-autonomous region with the city of Erbil as its capital. The Iraqi kurds push for independence, including the 2017 independence referendum led by Masoud Barzani, has been a significant aspect of its political landscape. The Parliament of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is the legislative body of the Kurdistan Regional Government, responsible for passing laws, overseeing the government, approving the budget, and representing the region’s interests. It is a unicameral legislature consisting of 100 seats. The political landscape of Iraqi Kurdistan is shaped by the balance of power between the Barzani and Talabani tribes, historically the most influential in the region. Between 1992 and 2005, the KRI was divided, with Masoud Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) controlling the north and Jalal Talabani’s Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) governing the south. Political parties and Armed groups The “Kurdistan Democratic Party”...

2/4 Kurds in Syria and Rojava: Political Parties, Armed Groups, and Leadership

  By Martin Aslan The “Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria” (DAANES), commonly referred to as Rojava, is a self-governing political entity in northern and eastern Syria. Established in 2014, it emerged from the Syrian Civil War as a de facto autonomous region controlled by Kurdish-led forces, though it also includes Arabs, Syriacs, and other ethnic and religious minorities, with the city of Qamishli as its capital. Îlham Ehmed and Mansur Selum (Arab), both PYD members, are co-chairing DAANES since 2018. Political parties The “Democratic Union Party” (PYD) is a Kurdish political party in Syria that plays a leading role in the governance of the DAANES where he’s the main political force. Founded in 2003, the PYD follows the ideology of Democratic Confederalism, inspired by Abdullah Öcalan. Salih Muslim and Asya Abdullah are co-chairing the PYD. The “Movement for a Democratic Society” (TEV-DEM) is a political coalition and civil society movement in Rojava. It ...