by Martin Aslan
Both Erdoğan’s government and the Iranian regime perceive the Kurds as a threat. Estimates place their population between 7 and 15 million in Iran, Iranian Kurds—known as Rojhelati or Eastern Kurds—have faced ongoing discrimination, including restrictions on Kurdish language education, cultural expression, and political organizing.
On February 22, 2026, five major Iranian Kurdish opposition parties formed the Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan (CPFIK) to coordinate efforts against the Islamic Republic. A sixth group, the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, joined on March 4.
The coalition includes:
Such political coordination among Iranian Kurdish movements is likely to be closely watched in Ankara, where Kurdish political and territorial developments beyond Türkiye’s borders are viewed through a national security lens.
If Iranian Kurdish parties were to gain territorial control in Iranian Kurdistan, it would likely heighten concerns in Ankara. Türkiye has a large Kurdish population and has long regarded Kurdish autonomy or political empowerment along its borders as a potential strategic challenge.
A more active and successful Iranian Kurdish front could intensify Turkish concerns about a potential spillover of Kurdish nationalism, potentially emboldening separatist sentiments or cross-border activities not only in Iran but also in Iraq, Syria (Rojava), and Türkiye itself.
As a result, Türkiye would likely take preemptive measures to limit or contain any Kurdish territorial gains—similar to its military interventions and pressure campaigns in northern Syria to curb YPG/SDF advances since 2016. Moreover, Ankara considers PJAK a terrorist organization due to its close affiliation with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has waged a decades-long insurgency against the Turkish state.
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